When Police Are the Problem

想想,如果你放纵我,一个警察你最后显著相遇。一些人认为,这可能是困难的,也许一切都会浮现在脑海中的...

Ťhink,如果你放纵我,一个警察你最后显著相遇。一些人认为,这可能是困难的,也许一切都会浮现在脑海中是要求军官路。对于其他人来说,这将是很容易和痛苦:或许你停止用自己的方式工作,拍拍下来,或者你是在抗议活动中胡椒喷雾。无论是哪种情况,你的经验,并与警方互动的你在哪里很大程度上决定,你的样子,以及法律和财务资源的访问权限。

到处都是警察,从火车站到学校医院交通停止,但他们构成了无所不在的组织,这是这么多我们日常生活的一部分,被充分研究,其权威在很大程度上独霸的。问自己一个警察做什么,你很可能会发现自己伸手含糊的陈词滥调般的“停止犯罪”和“维持秩序”是谁的实际解释力是有限的。引述社会学家埃贡·比特纳,“当一个人看什么警察实际上做,你会发现刑事执法的东西,他们大多做之间几乎从不,很少频率位于什么地方。”1

各种问题的警察与范围的任务今天在学校处理心理健康危机执行纪律。由于窄的工具集,警方在他们的处置,他们所创造的暴力和部署,以及它们仅限于取得的成果要求他们的能力,也许是一种不同的方法是必要的。也许,是时候要问:是警察过时了吗?

审查中的两本书这里的新的工作激增,旨在照耀出了名的隐秘机构和监管实践光的一部分。继高调过后警察暴力了新的兴趣迈克尔·布朗和埃里克·加纳,运动黑人生活的发展和行动,和起义和抗议2014年谋杀响应弗格森,巴尔的摩警察暴力,和在全国各地,法律和监管的学者似乎接近以新的活力和公众迫切的问题。

仅在过去的一年里的詹姆斯·福尔曼小的出版Locking Up Our Own,安德烈·里奇的在visible No More: Police Violence Against Black Women and Women of Color,和Angela J. Davis的编辑集合警务黑男人,as well as Paul Butler’s的chokehold:警务黑衣人和Alex S.维塔勒是监管的终结

巴特勒和Vitale的书籍,但在色调和范围不同,拥护类似的政治信息:改革是不够的。要结束警察暴力,我们必须重塑监管本身。

警察工作的范围扩大了,它继续to carry the same punitive ethos, eschewing more compassionate alternatives such as welfare and social services.

巴特勒采取个人的方法来维持治安的问题,用他的经验,同时作为前联邦检察官和一名黑人男子谁被错误逮捕解释普遍存在的生理,心理和刑事司法系统的经济暴力。这本书的标题,不仅是调用实践丹尼尔Pantaleo埃里克·加纳也为黑人男性警务更宽的比喻中:“A的chokehold是强迫服从是自我强化的过程。身体上的控制遭到证明额外的压力,因为身体没有接触到达标,但身体无法进入,因为台钳抓地力是它的合规性,”巴特勒写道。“这是法律和秩序的过程是如何推动非洲裔美国人进入刑事制度。这是系统是如何故意打破“。

Ťhe choke hold, in Butler’s telling, represents not just overt forms of state violence but also the withering of the welfare state, indifferent or neglectful enforcement of environmental regulations, the closing and underfunding of schools, and the use of prison construction to stimulate rural economies at the expense of urban neighborhoods, among other issues. Although Butler doesn’t fully explore the potential of this metaphor as an explanatory tool (and at one point walks back the extent of the metaphor, claiming it applies only to black men2),扼流圈保持作为构建的聪明之处在于它说明了警察的显着双方的暴力和警察可使用性的任何迹象借口进一步的暴力方式。

Although Garner was confronted by police for allegedly selling loose cigarettes, it was his resistance to Pantaleo’s initial attempt to handcuff him—by swinging his arms away and saying, “Don’t touch me, please”—that the officers reacted to, putting him in a choke hold and slamming him against a window and the sidewalk; as a result, he died before he could get to a hospital. As Butler argues, we should not see this as a case of “bad apples” or a lack of training; rather, “the problem is police work itself.”

维塔勒主要与巴特勒同意,并提供已导致现代警务和大规模监禁的思想和物质条件的宝贵概述。例如,他指出,为了逮捕埃里克·加纳“从部门的最高层梯队来了,”作为一个破碎的窗户理论启发试图驱除不良行为和人民的一部分。维塔勒看到破碎的窗户警察为“在根极为保守的企图将责任的负担,生活条件本身下降到穷人和认为,解决所有社会问题日益进取,创,和维持治安的限制性形式。”

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警察暴力,恐怖故事

通过Kinohi西川

警察工作的范围扩大了,它继续to carry the same punitive ethos, eschewing more compassionate alternatives such as welfare and social services. Like Loïc Wacquant before him, Vitale explicitly links attacks on and cuts to (never robust) welfare-state programs to the increasing presence and funding of the police, and argues that leaders in both parties “have embraced a neoconservative politics that sees all social problems as police problems.”3

One of the difficulties with policing, then, is that the police are being tasked with solving problems they have neither the tools nor the training to solve. Vitale quotes David Brown, the former Dallas police chief who in 2016 said, “We’re asking cops to do too much in this country. We are. Every societal failure, we put it off on the cops to solve. Not enough mental health funding, let the cops handle it. … Here in Dallas we got a loose dog problem; let’s have the cops chase loose dogs. Schools fail, let’s give it to the cops. … That’s too much to ask. Policing was never meant to solve all those problems.”

尽管其不断扩大的存在和日益广泛的他们不得不面对的问题,警方有一整套相当有限的,用以接近任何问题的工具。一个警察是不是一个社会工作者或教育工作者,并增加了巡逻和监禁不提供地下经济,往往是在那些家里,我们国家的犯罪和暴力率最高的贫困社区的唯一可行的选择的替代方案。培训再多,都无法改变这一点:“在现实中,” Vitale的写道,“是一种主要存在于警察的管理,甚至通过抑制社会运动产生的不平等和严格管理穷人和非白人的人的行为的系统:那些对失去经济和政治安排结束“。

近日,维塔勒参加了布鲁克林学院辩论说明与曼哈顿研究所的希瑟·麦克唐纳。4Mac Donald, a proponent of broken-windows policing and an opponent of welfare, provides an excellent example of the ideology of policing that sees police as the best, or even the only, solution to the public’s problems. Loading her argument with heart-breaking stories of crime and violence in impoverished, largely African American communities, as well as stories of community members meeting with police officers to ask for more enforcement to get rid of the young men who hang out in front of their businesses, or to drive away the drug dealers in the lobbies of their apartment buildings, she repeatedly asks Vitale, “What are the police supposed to do” when the community asks for help?

虽然维塔勒提供替代品的例子监管范围从以暴力干扰器的工作(谁在冲突进行干预,试图将其剪掉他们成为致命的面前,从而防止暴力循环是成本这么多的生命)提供的公共住宅区与看门人,确保建筑安全,麦克唐纳返回的问题。该修辞陷阱 - 这Vitale的,他的功劳,在很大程度上避免了-力求目前警方作为唯一可行的解​​决方案,以社区的问题。

改革will not be enough. To end police violence we must remake policing itself.

它似乎从来没有发生麦克唐纳说,她正给一个错误的问题。不要问,“我应该报警吗?”我们应该改为问:“警方为什么要参与?”和“如何能够将这些问题真正得到解决?”警方不给年轻人一个不同的地方挂出,或修复损坏的锁,让毒贩开设店铺在公寓的大堂;他们只是让年轻人运动和扔在监狱经销商。经济和支撑结构保持不变;“问题”(即,年轻人,黑人)移位。

One of the great strengths of both Butler’s and Vitale’s works is a commitment to ending our reliance on policing: Vitale, for example, ends each chapter by considering suggested reforms, outlining the limitations of reform, and then offering alternative strategies to policing and punitive approaches. Vitale is under few illusions about the difficulty of this task, noting that the task of ending policing will require a shift in our governing ideology, from one that sees crime and poverty as a personal failing only to be dealt with through intimidation and punishment to one that invests in communities, empowers them through a massive redistribution of wealth and resources, and does not seek to manage poor and minority communities with violence.

锁喉巴特勒作为专注于什么,现在可以做到,因为他是打造的运动来。对于非洲裔美国人谁,在他的讲述,是最容易持久的刑事司法系统的暴力的危险,他提供了一个名为一整章“如果赶上一个案例:像你知道的,”他在建议的黑人男子如何,如果他们被停止或者被警察逮捕行动。巴特勒的处方会在这里,我想,被认为是这本书中最有争议的部分。

当警察停止,巴特勒建议,一个黑人应该完全顺从和默许,停止短的事暴露罪证。不要站在人群中出来,他警告。做一组黑色的男性朋友不留连。不要穿帽衫,跑得快,穿低档裤,或笑太大声。所有这些行动都可以,并已,引为理由停止黑人男子。这种监督是在巴特勒的话,主动监测的“硬盯”:“拦截和搜查的法188bet提款律强制执行关于种族的整合也制约着任何一种在人群中脱颖而出的。......那些警察不只是执行刑法;他们还加强体面的政治“。

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大图:暴力和刑事司法

帕特里克·夏基

这里巴特勒的目标是不认同这些做法,而是让读者知道他所谓的“恐怖故事”中的黑人警务所固有的。Ťhe author’s personal history becomes especially salient at this point, as he makes it painstakingly clear how the outcome of his own arrest did not depend on his innocence but instead on his background as an Ivy League–educated prosecutor who was able to hire the best attorney in the city. This can lead to what sometimes comes across as a callous pragmatism (he suggests, for instance, that卡利夫·布德如果他采取了认罪),但他的观点的影响是明显的将是活着。真理和正义是不是我们的刑事司法系统的主要关切。

Reading these works together, it is difficult not to recoil at the violence embedded in policing, and those of us who have been lucky enough to avoid it should approach both books aware that it is luck (and not personal virtue or fealty to the law) that has allowed us to escape that violence. Considering the scope of its polemical argument and attention to detail,监管的终结赫然是短暂;它正是那种介绍治安,我们需要的问题。巴特勒的更直接的焦点和个人接触提供了一个重要的观点,虽然他的论据往往觉得发展不平衡,锁喉提供强大的扰乱见识到它是什么样子与警察暴力的不断威胁住。

这两部作品,但是,说清楚,还有许多工作要做,说。尽管运动黑人生活和同情的地方检察官的选举,像费城的收益拉里·克拉斯纳,大规模监禁和警察的暴力将伴随我们一段时间来。这是我们必须了解的需要会面临什么样的范围。另一个世界是可能的,就像这些帮助我们看到的样子。

这篇文章是由委托凯特琳Zaloom图标

  1. 埃贡·比特纳,“南丁格尔威利萨顿的追求:警察理论,”在对于刑事司法改革的潜力(SAGE, 1974), p. 23.
  2. 巴特勒写道:“控制遭到在黑度和雄性的交集,这是关于该特定身份的社会和法律回应。这种反应主要是可怕的,但法律的暴力不限于黑人。非洲裔美国妇女都没有做任何更好的整体,但刑事司法是不是他们隶属的主要工具。”不幸的是,他并没有走得更远在解释为什么要么节流保持只应参考的非洲裔美国人,也不是什么非洲裔美国妇女的从属地位的主要仪器。感兴趣的刑事司法系统和非洲裔美国妇女的交集读者应该看安德烈·里奇的在visible No More
  3. 见洛奇·沃奎特,贫困的监狱(University of Minnesota Press, 2009) and惩治差(杜克大学出版社,2009年)。
  4. A recording of the debate was streamed as an episode of Daniel Denvir’s excellent podcast,。Denvir采访维塔勒上更早的情节的播客。
特色图片:两名民警在总统就职典礼期间在全防暴笑。(2017年)。摄影者斯宾塞H / Unsplash